Book review of: J. Stanley (2024). Erasing History. How Fascists Rewrite the Past to Control the Future, Atria/One Signal Publishers, New York, 256 pp.

In this book, the American philosopher and Yale University professor, Jason Stanley, explores the practice of governments manipulating the past to shape a future that aligns with their desired vision. This is a very common practice, even in democratic societies. Uncomfortable truths are erased, certain books are banned from schools, and accepted history is replaced with myths, thereby justifying the power of the governing elites. To succeed, it is necessary for these elites to ascertain that the populace is unaware of what really happened. [i] Especially in authoritarian regimes, it is important to control narratives about the past.

Studying history is dangerous. The act of examining the past from multiple vantage points gives rise to a societal depiction that is characterized by historical plurality, diversity, and openness to reinterpretation. These reinterpretations, in turn, give rise to novel perspectives that serve to augment the historical plurality that is already extant. Within democratic societies, this plurality serves to nurture principles of equality, collective reflection, and the acceptance of a multitude of historical narratives. Each of these narratives offers a distinct perspective on truth and reality, thereby contributing to a rich tapestry of historical understanding. Conversely, within authoritarian states, history is often simplified and mythologized into a single, overarching narrative, serving to justify the supremacy of specific social groups or segments.

One of the most effective methods employed by authoritarian regimes to implement their historical narrative is to exercise control over the education system. This involves the purging of plurality from curricula, the prohibition of alternative narratives from societal discourse, and the destruction of existing historical knowledge about unwelcome narratives (for example, the ‘book burnings’ in Nazi Germany or the Chinese Cultural Revolution). A notable illustration of this phenomenon is the censorship of historical events such as the Holocaust or the Civil Rights Movement. Education is strategically employed as a primary instrument to manipulate collective memory, despite the formidable challenges in eradicating experiential knowledge embedded within family histories and cultural memory.

In the Preface of the book, Stanley emphasizes that “it is especially true of one specific kind of authoritarian ideology: fascism, which seeks to divide populations into ‘us’ and ‘them’ by appealing to ethnic, racial, or religious differences.” They undermine journalists and reporters, promote anti-intellectualism, use propaganda, spread conspiracy theories, let fear and anger overtake critical thinking, and call on ‘law and order’. [ii] He recognized “a set of tactics that characterize fascist politics”, which include:

1. The creation of a mythic past.
2. The use of propaganda and anti-intellectualism.
3. An effort to justify hierarchies of race or religion.
4. The exploitation of feelings of resentment and victimhood.
5. Policies that prioritize law and order over freedom.
6. Appeals to male sexual anxiety.
7. An evocation of the myth that cities are decadent, and crime ridden, and that rural areas are the heartland of a nation, and
8. a value system that ranks groups according to their supposed capacity to work.

According to Stanley, current fascist or fascistoid movements or governments persist in utilizing these very same tactics. To sustain this narrative, these movements or governments suppress contradictory evidence, erase relevant scholarly research, silence historical discussions, close archives, and reject contradictory ideas. History is rewritten and made into propaganda, engendering an environment where the marginalization of ‘others’ becomes the norm.

The following five themes underpin fascist education:

1. National greatness: the nation is regarded as unique, powerful, and superior.
2. National purity: the promotion of racial, ethnic, or cultural homogeneity, resulting in the erasure of minority contributions.
3. National innocence: the denial, reframing as sacrifices, or blame-allocation to ‘others’ for wrongdoings in history.
4. Emphasis on traditional gender roles and the demonization or erasure of LGBTQ+ identities.
5. Contrary opinions are vilified and their proponents designated as enemies of the state.

It is evident that educational institutions, through the cultivation of critical thinking skills and the emphasis on the plurality of history, have a pivotal role in the exposure of these myths. Consequently, authoritarian regimes invariably seek to suppress them initially and obliterate all that does not align with their agenda. The escalating attacks on education, educational institutions, and scholars serve as a harbinger of the impending threat to pluralistic history and, by extension, democracy.

It is important to note that Stanley generalizes the concept of fascism to encompass “ultranationalism of some variety (ethnic, religious, cultural), with the nation represented in the person of an authoritarian leader who speaks on its behalf.” Consequently, he also categorizes regimes that have not been traditionally identified as being ‘fascist’ under this designation, like Russia and China. This interpretation, first applied in his book How Fascism Works and subsequently in Erasing History, is a seminal one. Stanley also connects fascism with colonialism because that narrative also justifies exploitation and control by a dehumanization strategy and erasing the histories of the colonized. Fascism is not for nothing sometimes called ‘imperialism turned inside.’ Although not mentioned, Stanley follows Hannah Ahrendt in this association. [iii]

About his generalization of fascism, however, I have some reservations. It is widely accepted that fascism constitutes an authoritarian form of government. Nevertheless, it should be noted that not all authoritarian regimes are necessarily fascist. Indeed, while some of the ‘tactics’ may be exhibited, not all of them always are. The question of whether a given regime is fascist or not ultimately depends on the definition of what fascism is, and it should be acknowledged that Stanley’s definition is only one in a myriad of perspectives, just like his view on the characterizing ‘tactics’ of fascism. [iv] The difference seems largely theoretical, because in daily practice they may seem the same.

Stanley highlights the resurgence of fascism as a global phenomenon. Many countries are experiencing a (more or less) systematic attack on democracy, pluralistic perspectives of history, and education, reinforcing authoritarian narratives. Depending on the political power of these movements, history is rewritten to strengthen nationalist identities and justify (more or less) violent treatment of minorities and dissidents. Stanley’s emphasis is correct. In Hungary and Poland, for instance, “skewed historical narratives, often tinted with various antisemitic tropes and antisemitic interpretations, have become an official source of historical ‘knowledge’ about the Holocaust and society during the Second World War. … They are being skillfully adapted to memorialize well-known and less-known wartime national and local heroes who committed atrocities against local Jews and other minorities during the war and immediately afterwards.” [v] The same tactics, like silencing opposition, rewriting history, fueling division, are visible in places like Russia, China, India, Turkey, and many other countries. And, of course, Trump’s USA, for Stanley concentrates especially on what is happening in his own country.

The survival of democracy depends on the ability to distinguish fact from fiction. This is why teachers and investigative journalists are continuously targeted by authoritarian regimes. Both are the last line of defense against the collapse of plurality, history, critical thinking, and truth. All of these are needed for democracy to function. Protecting them means protecting the very foundation of a free society.

Recent technological advancements, such as artificial intelligence, are profoundly impacting the landscape of content creation, to the extent that the distinction between factual and fictitious information is becoming increasingly indistinct. The continuous generation of deepfakes and disinformation by artificial intelligence language models has led to a situation where elections are being significantly influenced, thereby engendering an environment where truth itself is under siege. Large Language Models, “collectively, … provided incorrect answers to more than 60 per cent of queries. Across different platforms, the level of inaccuracy varied, with Perplexity answering 37 per cent of the queries incorrectly, while Grok 3 had a much higher error rate, answering 94 per cent of the queries incorrectly.” [vi] It can be seen as an unrelenting attack on common sense, truth, and critical thinking.

Stanley posits the notion of a potential authoritarian regime in the USA. Not just three months in his second presidency, Trump’s actions and policies are following a lot of the ‘tactics’ Stanley recognized as crucial for fascism. For the MAGA-movement, the 1930s are regarded a time of ‘societal perfection’. It is not coincidental that this ‘perfection’ also coincides with a strong presence of fascism in the USA. [vii] In the context of contemporary events in the USA, Stanley’s book is both disturbing and highly accurate. When viewed within a global context, the rise of authoritarianism in the USA can be understood as a manifestation of a global trend of undermining democracy, equality, and freedom of opinion. The book is highly recommended and is an obligatory read.

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[i]   M.L. Miller (2017). A Political Ecology of Information. Media and the Dilemma of State Power in China. A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, the City University of New York, New York, pp. 46-51. Online source, retrieved 18 March, 2025, from: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2956&context=gc_etds.

[ii] J. Stanley (2018). How Fascism Works. The Politics of Us and Them. Random House, New York. Stanley discusses all these tactics in succeeding chapters.

[iii] H. Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Penguin, 2017 (first edition 1951). Ahrendt advanced an ambitious generalization, which theorized the totalitarianism of fascism by associating it with colonialism. This could be termed a continuation theory between the imperialism of the former colonial powers and fascist totalitarianism. Her insightful chapters on imperialism and colonialism were disregarded by scholars from these colonial empires, likely due to the implication of Western civilization with the crimes of fascism. Ahrendt was among the first to theoretically establish a connection between fascism and colonialism, tracing the European ideology of white supremacy to its origins in imperialist expansionism and ‘settler colonialism’ of the 19^th century, and arguing that colonial practices and ideologies were integrated into Europe’s intellectual and political life. The adoption of authoritarian and racist colonial administration practices resulted in a reinforcement of authoritarianism and racism within European societies.

[iv] For a quick overview of definitions and characteristics see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Definitions_of_fascism.

[v] J.B. Michlic (2022). ‘The politics of the memorialization of the Holocaust in Poland. Reflections on the current misuses of the history of rescue’, Jewish Historical Studies, Vol. 53, No. 1. Online resource, retrieved 18 March, 2025, from: https://doi.org/10.14324/111.444.jhs.2022v53.011.

[vi] K. Jaźwińska and A. Chandrasekar (2025). ’AI Search has a citation problem. We compared eight AI Search engines. They’re all bad at citing news’, Columbia Journalism Review. Online resource, retrieved 18 March, 2025, from: https://www.cjr.org/tow_center/we-compared-eight-ai-search-engines-theyre-all-bad-at-citing-news.php.

[vii] O. Burtin (2021). ‘Fascism has an American history, too’, Reviews in American History, Vol. 49, No. 3, pp.494-520.